Egypt in turmoil: Why now?

Photo by Asmaa Waguih/Reuters, 11/21/11, The Lede, New York Times.

 

I’ve had various friends ask why violence broke out in Egypt this weekend.  Here’s some context for those who want to know why Tahrir Square is back in the headlines.

Egyptians are incredibly angry at the ruling military junta–the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces (SCAF)–who took power when Mubarak stepped down in February. Their anger stems from an as-yet unfulfilled desire to complete the Revolution for democracy that they began nearly 10 months ago.

The military has responded to this anger by letting Mubarak-era riot police and secret police out of their cages, allowing them to unleash an unprecedented amount of aggression on protestors. This violence has come less than 10 days before Egypt’s first post-Mubarak Parliamentary election is set to begin on November 28.

Some sources of protestors’ anger:

  • Lack of oversight: Since taking power in February SCAF, led by Field Marshal Hussein Tantawi, has significantly increased its own power without any real oversight.  It has accomplished this while maintaining the appearance–particularly to foreign governments–of fulfilling a need for stability and fostering national identity.
  • Military trials of civilians: Mubarak style aggression and intimidation of Egyptians by state actors has continued.  According to Human Rights Watch, more than 12,000 civilians have been brought before military tribunals since January, which is more than throughout Mubarak’s 30-year rule.  This has amounted to a sense among Egyptians that the civil liberties and rights they fought for have not yet been achieved.
  • SCAF has expanded Egypt’s hated Emergency Law instead of removing it, which was one of the main tenets of the revolution.
  • In particular, SCAF has jailed influential activist blogger Alaa Abd El-Fattah on trumped-up charges, claiming that he helped instigate the violence that led to the death of 28 Coptic Christian protestors on October 9.

The Constitution:

  • SCAF has pushed back the timetable for Presidential election to 2013, which they claim is in order to allow a constitution to be drafted first.  They also announced that they intend to maintain control of the government after the upcoming Parliamentary election until a President is elected.
  • On November 1, SCAF announced a series of supra-constitutional measures, which included:
  1. Military budget will not have to be transparent to the public
  2. SCAF has veto power over whether the President can declare war.
  3. SCAF has the authority to appoint 80 of the 100 members of the assembly that will draft the new constitution, while only the remaining 20 will be drawn from the newly elected Parliament.
This weekend:
  • Friday: Tens of thousands of Muslim Brotherhood supporters along with a small number of liberal activists from the April 6th movement (one of the groups that started the Revolution) protest in Tahrir Square for an end to military rule.
  • Late Friday night/early Saturday: Muslim Brotherhood supporters go home. Some Salafis (ultra conservative Islamists) appear in Tahrir Square who along with the liberal activists are determined to set up tents for the night. Riot police appear and aggressively attempt to clear the Square.
  • From Saturday through Monday, the police and Mubarak’s baltageya (state-sponsored thugs) unleash a frightening and unprecedented level of aggression and violence on Egyptians.  The Army is at least complicit in these abuses, if not directly aiding the police.  Police use tear gas, rubber bullets, and live ammunition on protestors, which has led to at least 33 deaths since Saturday.  Videos of police aggression have circulated widely, drawing more people back to Tahrir Square.
  • The Muslim Brotherhood, who dominated Friday’s protests, refused to participate in the bloody protests of Saturday through Monday.  Any successes to be won in the next few days will not be the result of Muslim Brotherhood efforts.
  • A particular area of tension has been Mohamed Mahmoud Street, which runs between Tahrir Square and the Ministry of the Interior, home to the notorious Central Security Forces (CSF).  Friends have described Mohamed Mahmoud Street as a war zone over the past few days.
Looking ahead:
  • I’ve heard it mentioned in passing that this was all to be expected when Egyptians accepted military rule in February.  I cannot stress enough how much this has been a learning process for all of Egypt, the Arab World, and for those outside its parameters, and that this learning is a part of the long and messy transition from autocracy to democracy in the era of late capitalism. When you haven’t had responsive or responsible government for 30 years, it’s difficult to envision how it should all work while simultaneously defending and winning your right to it. We need to be patient and support Egyptians in this transition.

Most Egyptians have never voted in a free and fair election, and it remains to be seen whether they will have that opportunity when the Parliamentary election begins on Monday, Nov. 28.  Egypt’s transition to democracy is too important for Egyptians, the future of the Middle East, and the U.S.’s role in it for us not to pay attention.

 

Further reading: Egyptian author Ahdaf Soueif on the jailing of her nephew Alaa Abd El-Fattah

Powerful video: Egyptian activist/actor Khalid Abdalla interviewed by Al Jazeera English on what people in Tahrir want

Please feel free to add thoughts or ask questions below. Dialogue welcome.


There’s something happening here (in Israel)

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Protest tent at Ben Yehuda & King George Streets, Jerusalem, 7 August 2011

I’ve seen something and I need to write about it. Now.

One crucial lesson I learned from the Egyptian Revolution is the importance of describing what you see as it happens. So often I found myself wanting to summarize, to lay a larger narrative over what I saw there, but as events evolved so rapidly, it was hard, maybe even impossible, to find that syncretic moment. Perhaps it was the consequence of experiencing historic events in real time with the training of a historian – my brain wants to stop and analyze when there just isn’t time for that.

So, this time I’m just going to observe. Fastly, furiously, in medias res. Analysis on the fly. I might not even edit (the horror!) Just going to get it out.

What do I mean by this time? I mean there’s something going on that it’s important for people to know about. This time means I am in a privileged situation again – one that I do not take lightly – of witnessing a social movement at its groundswell stage for the second time this year. One that is kicking off in a country that neighbors Egypt, where we all witnessed a historic revolution this year. But I don’t mean Libya. This time, there’s a movement in Israel and it’s real.

Saturday, Jerusalem, 6:45 am:
I arrive at my hostel exhausted from a red eye flight. To my surprise, my friend Eli (as will be the case for most people in this post, Eli’s not his real name), whom I didn’t know worked at the hotel, greets me with a huge hug and, “Too bad you weren’t here last night. The revolution started. Charlie Biton spoke at it.”

My jaw drops. So does my suitcase. Charlie Biton is one of the leaders of the Israeli Black Panther Party, one of the two groups whom I study for my dissertation. The Israeli Black Panthers were an early 1970s social protest party who addressed discrimination in housing, education, and income for Mizrahis–Jews who had come to Israel from the Middle East and North Africa. They elected Charlie Biton to the Knesset (Parliament). I’m here in Jerusalem in part to do a follow up interview with Charlie about his life after the Black Panthers and some political changes he’s made since then. That just got more interesting.

Eli says that some media are saying 300,000 people were out in Tel Aviv and 20,000 in Jerusalem on Saturday night. The state denies that it was that many, saying more like 200,000 in TA. Even give or take that 100K, that number of people at one event is incredible in a country as small as Israel. (Update: My friend Emily Cronin (@emrocro) tells me that 250,000 people is 1/24 of Israel’s population, the equivalent of 12.5 million Americans.

Saturday, 8 pm:

I meet my friend Daniel, an activist and writer, at a teach in at the tents in Independence Park. There is a camp set up there that among other things faces the U.S. Consulate. The event consists of singing followed by a panel discussion among 4 community leaders, including an ex-Shas politician and a former Black Panther, Reuven Abergel.

There are 3 tent camps in Jerusalem right now:
Independence Park: A diverse mix. Around 70 people at the event last night. This includes a coalition of single mothers who protested yesterday morning at 7:30 am, thinking it was likely they would get arrested (they did), but hoping that they’d be released in time to pick their children up from school (they were). Also there are some dissidents, some Ashkenazi (more on this term in a minute) leftists, and a large number of Mizrahi activists, including Reuven, who spoke for a while last night. When he finished, many in the crowd chanted his name.

There was lots of Q&A, idea sharing. Daniel suggested that they start using synagogues to gather and motivate people to get involved. Given the critical role that mosques played in the Egyptian Revolution, this seems wise. The idea appeared to go over well with those gathered last night.

The small park at the corner of King George and Ben Yehuda streets: almost all Ashkenazi. I swung by it yesterday and it was a mix of older men and young men and women activists manning tents over different issues, with a children’s garden set up in the back.

Sacher Park: Jerusalem’s largest park. The group there is supposedly almost all Mizrahi. I’m headed over there today to check it out.

Saturday, 10 pm:
Daniel, his friends Sarah and Ariel, and I head out from Independence Park for waffles. All three of them are excited for what is happening in Jerusalem. They are also nervous for what’s to come. They tell me that there is a significant change in consciousness taking place right now. It’s exciting, but it’s also uncertain as it’s on a scale that is unprecedented within Israeli society.

They realize the Palestinian question could divide them. As could the question of who they are protesting for, particularly given the large wage gaps between the mostly-Ashkenazi middle class and the persistently working-class Mizrahi. Ariel knows she has legitimate concerns regarding her position with the state- she can’t afford the cost of living here, neither she nor her parents own property, and she doesn’t see any improvement on the horizon. I understand where she’s coming from with regards to cost of living. I paid the equivalent of $900 USD a month to live in a small room the first summer I came here, and that was the cheapest option I could find at the time. Dan and Ariel have significant concerns about their futures, about whether they will be able to find stable jobs and support families in the long run. But they aren’t graduating university students. They’re in their early 30s.

Ariel says that she knows she’s middle class and that there is a working class with far deeper issues than her own, so she’s feeling a sense of what she calls “classic Ashkenazi guilt.” It seems like one of the issues that will affect the success of this movement is whether protests will accurately represent a broad spectrum of concerns without it fracturing too quickly. So far it seems that coalition hasn’t yet happened, but it’s still early days.

Ariel fears that Netanyahu will declare war on Palestine in September. Why September? This could likely give Netanyahu support to flex his military muscle. God only knows how the region would respond to this given all of the transitions that are taking place-or are being fought against-right now.

Later Dan tells me that Ariel speaking openly about this is a good sign – that it shows a changing consciousness about the state. People are starting to talk more openly about what they see as the state’s strategic use of security concerns and militarism to distract people from domestic issues. There has always been dissent within Israel, but the strength and the articulation of it seem to be developing and changing rapidly.

I read yesterday that some believe activists are strategically avoiding discussion of Palestine in an effort to build ground support for a mass movement right now that would also potentially tackle settlement issues and relations with Palestine. I understand the reader may be skeptical at this point, but I’d caution us against the tendency to judge a group of people based on the actions of its government. These issues are in fact being discussed in small groups but it’s early doors. My friends described a palpable, but latent tension at the protest in Jerusalem on Saturday night – they said that people can’t yet say everything that bothers them. It’s not yet safe for that and it’s unclear if and when it will be.

One thing that I think we can do (we being you, me, and the rest of the people who have been interested enough to read this post in its entirety) is to be careful to differentiate Israel the state from Israelis the people. Many of the people involved in this movement are second and third generation immigrants who see things differently from their parents, or whose parents have issues of their own with the state. I’m not saying this is representative of everyone here – I can’t gauge that from my vantage point – but I do know that there is a lot more diversity of thought and opinion here than what generally gets broadcasted on the international media stage. I’ve seen a lot of it in the past 24 hours.

I asked Dan if the Arab Spring was being talked about much. He said it’s in the back of everyone’s minds. In his words, “heat travels. Even if you’re in a really insulated building, heat can seep through the wall that separates you from the next room.”

I really don’t claim to be an expert here, as there are huge questions and issues afoot. But this is far too much of a right place, right time situation (one which I appear to have a knack for) that not to write seems irresponsible.

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Petra, Jordan, August 2009

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Hello and thanks for visiting my site!  I’m a historian and screenwriter, an Arabic speaker, and a serial laugher. I’ll be posting writing, photography, and musings on this site. I welcome your feedback!